Kashmir produces enough power to light its homes; however most of the Kashmiri homes are power-less!
Journospy investigates... Where does the power go?
AKHTER H BHAT & MIR TARIQ RASOOL
I remember my days as a kid in village Aragam, around 8 kilometers away from the main town of Bandipora, which is roughly 50 kilometers away from Srinagar. Our day as kids would generally begin with a shower or a brief dry-clean (as we called it) at the mini-waterfall like structures (commonly known as Nour in Kashmiri) built around the corner spaces of the precincts. These mini-waterfalls flow down from the verdant hills of Karakoram in the north, bringing in fresh water to the village homes. The mesmerizing sounds of the alluring birds flittering through thin florescent clouds of sunlit mist and the invigorating fragrance of indigenous flowers on road sides would make the situation truly euphoric for us on our way to IMPS, the only convent school in the village.
After the days schooling, we would hastily rush to our homes, throw away our bags and set out for our evening’s play in the open fields or around the village squares. Brief morning showers followed by breakfast and eventually our preparation for the day’s school--our mornings were never our best slots of fun. Evenings on the other hand, were far more relaxing and our most blissful slots of entertainment that would go on until and unless the sun settled down. We would play, just play, anything like Kho Kho, Cricket, Football, Sazzi Khanni, Lakdi Lakdi etc. all fun games like these, until a new trend, an entirely new game reached us. It was called Military vs Militants. And to our surprise, this new sport was mind-blowingly viral. Just within months of its birth, it metastasized to reach every nook and corner of the Valley. We could find our very far away friends talking about this new interesting sport on their visits to our village.
The game involved two groups of kids; one representing the military side and other on the militant side. Kids representing military side would do anything and everything to find out and gun down militants who were always far lesser in numbers than on the military side. Our guns initially included all kinds of toy-guns available in the market; however, the idea was soon innovated and fresh dangerous looking guns were made from wood with a bit of iron or steel attached to them. They were colored black to make them look more minacious. We could possess these guns only while on duty (playing) in the evening and return them back to our commander-in-chief after the day’s romp. While on duty, our commander-in-chief would take us through a regular process of drill, teaching us various techniques and positions of firing during any encounter. A nice fat quick-witted guy, Arshid was our commander-in-chief to whom we both, military side and the militant side reported to. A chucklesome but ingenious guy, Arshid could also design guns and came up with all kinds of hand-held weapons which looked as real and lethal as the original ones. Arshid was one master crafter of toy weapons.
During our search campaigns as the military side, we would explore almost all spaces in the vicinity in our hunt for the militants who would also try their level best to hide themselves in all potential gray zones of the area. Most of the times our evening Military vs. Militant operations would stretch out to late evenings compelling parents and elders to come out of their houses looking for us and with that would always end our day’s fun. The extremely infectious nature of our evening Military vs Militant frolic still makes me wonder how infectious and influential certain practical aspects of a social or political instability can be to kids. While we have hundreds sobbing about the virtual (televised) narcosis, we hardly have a few of us debating the significance and triviality of real world situations in conflict zones and their narcotic tendency to condition the psyche of the young susceptive brains.
If Arshid had been a first world kid, he would have been an outstanding weapon designer. However, here in this part of the world, he could just manage to join a school handling back-office and laughs out loudly at his commander-in-chief past when talked about. In the late ninety’s, militancy in our part of Kashmir was in its peaks. We could see live encounters atleast once in a week or fortnight. We saw people killing and getting killed, bombs blowing-up busses and homes, grenades and mines destroying roads and vehicles and mortar shells burning markets and buildings and etc. etc. And, even as kids, it didn’t take us too long to understand how bloodcurdling and spine-chilling the practical aspects of our evening Military Vs Militants escapade can be? This was the time when most of the conscious Kashmiries had concluded it to their brains and souls, that guns cannot be a solution to their problem. What we had got addicted to as kids for a good while in our life, was now exacerbating the phenomenon of turbulence and angst in our part of the real world and this message was loudly clear to most of the minds and souls. And with that, ended the great jape of Military vs Militants for us and all. Kashmiries on the whole had stated hating the evidently alarming and horrifyingly infectious culture of gun.
For us as kids, now, there was nothing to be excited about in our evenings. The Military vs Militant pastime had transformed itself into a scary nightmare and the nightmare that had shock-opened all eyes. Arshid, whose talent had more possibilities of getting the deserved recognition in either the newly spread culture of gun or at our Army levels, had perhaps and very appropriately chosen to work in a school.
Our evenings --after the death of such a fascinating evening game--were super dreary deals for us unless any of our Aunties or Uncles or their kids had visited us for dinner or a stay-over. Otherwise, evenings and nights were annoyingly the lackluster and hair-raising slots. There was very little to entertain us within our homes. TV was a new trend and obviously one big excitement for Indians on the whole and particularly for kids. However, for us, TV sets in those times were merely some electronic devices that had the tendency to show pictures, movies, news, live matches etc but needed electric current to be able to do that and current to us was something like that rarest visitor who would bring you exhilarating gifts on his visit but his visits being annoyingly the rarest! Most of the times, it was too hard to conclude that the bulb you just turned on had any current in it or not? Even kids with good sight took a while to conclude on that! One had to look at it with all his concentration to decide on that. And incase there was some, it was just like that tinniest celestial entity in one of the faintest nights that needed you some huge astronomical telescope to confirm its presence.
Most of the homes in my mohalla had one or more personal transformers fitted inside their homes to increase voltage of the incoming current, however, that would hardly work due to the extremely low input voltage. Now, after finishing our late evening study done under kerosene lanterns or LPG ran lighting devices, we were miserably left to our elders and their ancient fairly and king tales that hardly had any resemblance with the world that we lived in as kids of a conflict zone. Most of the times, I would rather slip away and read some magazine stuff. No electricity meant and still means no electrical or electronic devices, thus, desktops and mobile phones to us were some amazing products of technology that we could just hear-of or read about in books but could hardly see or touch.
This is how it was until I left Kashmir after my 10th standard. However, during the course of these years outside Kashmir, I saw a phenomenal change taking place in our part of the Valley. And, this change has been consistently visible to me on my every visit to Bandipora. When it comes to electricity, a group of villages in our part of Kashmir should be more or less satisfied with the developments that have taken place after a bit of what is called as ‘normalcy’ retuned in their region. These villages that hardly had any electric current a decade back are now glittering in electric luminance and one can easily notice that while looking out from his bedroom window in the evening. However, winter and power crisis in Kashmir is an unvarying aspect of Valley on the whole.
Now, the question to me was, what about the other areas of rural Kashmir?
In an attempt to take you to the other side of the hedge JournoSpy set out its Bandipora based correspondent Mr. Tariq Rasool on a mission to check ground reality, exclusively for our readers.
According to the official estimates, the state of Jammu and Kashmir has the potential of generating around 30,000 Mega Units of hydropower. Presently there are 23 Hydro Electric Power Projects operating in various parts of the state. However, the government has only been able to couple 1560 MW of power for the local utilization till now. The first power project commissioned in the state was Mohra Power Project (3 MW) located in Uri (north Kashmir) in 1905. Since then, the state has been able to produce only 767 MW’s of electricity. As per the official figures the peak energy demand of the state is 2425 MWs against total availability is 1492 MWs leaving a deficit of 933 MWs.
On the other hand, NHPC (National Hydro Power Corporation) has been incessantly generating almost half of its total power generation in India from the Valley waters, which is then supplied to other states of India for use. Official data reveals a starling number of 9448 un-electrified villages in the state of Jammu & Kashmir. Out of which, 5202 villages fall in Kashmir division and 4223 villages fall in Jammu division of the state.
Amidst all the prevailing winter hue and cry of power crisis in the state, the power ministry seems to be too optimistic about their latest plans of electrifying Kashmiri villages.
“Currently we are in the process of electrifying 758 villages in the state, out of which, 417 villages fall in Kashmir division and 341 in Jammu,” says Viqar Rasool Wani, Minister of State for Power.
Census of 2011 puts the total number of rural consumers in J&K to 1287037 households. According to the minister, 1078987 rural consumers have been electrified till date.
He further promises to electrify 189891 rural households out of the remaining 208049 current-less rural households under the scheme of RGGVY-II.
“There are 165446 un-electrified rural BPL households in total. Under RGGVY scheme, the government is planning to electrify BPL households with 100 percent capital subsidy in all rural habitations,” says Mr. Wani.
As per the official data, out of the total budgetary allocation of Rs. 2050.05 Crores for power in 2009-2010, Rs. 1272.05 Crores were spent on power purchases from NHPC up to September 2010. Information on power purchases made in 2011-2012 were not available, however the fact that consumption is least expected to have gone down with more or less the same number of consumers, there is hardly any possibility for the purchase figures to be very different.
Assessments carried out by the State’s Power Development Corporation (JKSPDC) asserts that Valley has the potential of generating over 20, 000 MW’s of hydropower. The corporation has also identified four rivers that, collectively, can produce around 16000 MWs of electricity.
River Hydropower Potential
Chenab (10853.81 MW’s)
Jhelum (3141.30 MW’s)
Indus (1598.70 MW’s)
Ravi (417.00 MW’s)
In an attempt to check the feasibility of JKSPDC’s report, a team of researchers from the University of Kashmir reassessed the hydro power potential of the state to come up with an encouraging figure of a little more than 25,000 MW’s.
If sources are to be believed NHPC has been illegally and unconstitutionally generating power from its projects in Kashmir. Out of the total of 14 projects handed over to NHPC during Mr. Farooq’s regime in 2000, J&K government has signed MOU’s on 7 projects and has not yet entered into any kind of agreement on other projects currently operating under NHPC in Kashmir.
NHPC has cumulative capacity of 1560-MWs in operation in Kashmir on which the corporation has invested a staggering amount of Rs 9554 Crores. NHPC power generations from J&K comprised about 57.50 percent of NHPC’s total generation in 2003-04 and 50.15 % in 2004-05. Later the share fell to 48.38 % and 48.49 % in years 2005 06 and 2006-07 respectively, as its projects in other states were commissioned. However, during 2007-08 when NHPC’s total generation in India was 14813 million units, J&K accounted for 8037.31 MUs (54.56 percent) after Dul Hasti power project in Uri was commissioned after an inordinate delay.
Besides possessing a gargantuan potential for generating hydroelectricity and amidst the roars of mammoth hydro power constructions in the State, majority of Kashmiries continue to live under the darkness of despondency. This phenomenal disproportion between quantity of power being produced in Kashmir and the power available for the local use seems pullulated the feel of ‘Judas kiss’ among the local people questioning India’s indubitable roars of care for the people of the Valley. People have started getting conscious about the illegitimate use of Kashmir’s water resources and the failure of Omar govt. to stop such exploitation.
“Our water is generating enough power. We have a whopping number of hyrdopower projects in the state. But that does not mean our homes are electrically lit. Most of us are living without any power. I want to ask the Govt., if Kashmir’s power is not lighting its homes, where is it going”, says Sheraz Ahmed Wani, a resident of Hajin area in Bandipora district.
Another Bilal Ahmed, a resident of Arin says, “Our water resources are being exploited and utilized for developmental purposes in other states of India leaving J & K in a state of high and dry. NHPC should handover the power back to the state.”
Apart from agitating common brains and civil society in the state, the matter has also aggrieved many state based committees against NHPC--the energy goldmine of India.
Kashmir Centre for Social and Development Studies (KCSDS) a platform to deliberate upon the socio-economic issues of the state, had earlier castigated Prime Minster Dr. Manmohan Singh and urged him to return the power projects under NHPC to the state. To their surprise, Mr. Singh had tried to offer them a diversion of 150 MWs from the central pool into the state, to only wind-up the issue. KCSDS however, had rejected the offer and conveyed its profound dismay to the Government of India. KCSDS had also termed it as “massive exploitation of the Valley’s water resources by NHPC” and raised fingers on India’s tutelage on Kashmir. The statement of 150 MW’s offer had come in the backdrop of the resentment against NHPC and the state government after the notion of “resource sell-out” gained momentum in the state.
“Why should power being produced in Kashmir be supplied to other states unless Kashmir’s own power requirements are fulfilled?” says Prof Hameeda Nayeem a social activist and member of KCSDS.
“Out of the total 10,000 MWs NHPC generates across India, 5,400 MWs are generated from Kashmir only. People don’t want alms and charity from GOI but an immediate return of all illegal and unconstitutional projects run by NHPC in the Valley”, says the activist.
She further adds that it was completely unacceptable to the people of Jammu and Kashmir to see power being produced from their waters and supplied to other states leaving Kashmiries to fight the spine-chilling winter without any power.
Sitting Cabinet Ministers like Minister for Medical Education, Youth Services & Sports, Taj Mohi-u-Din and senior Congress leader--then Power Minster--had also supported the demand for the return of NPHC projects to the state earlier. In a statement Mr. Mohiudin had said that the government needed some “brave and bold” approaches to get back its powers.
While addressing a seminar organized by local news agency the minister said, “My role to prepare roads as PHE minister is visible on records and the documents are with Cabinet Sub-Committee. I reproduced all confidential documents relating to NHPC however, my documents were mysteriously stolen. But I am sure that in future, someone with a brave and bold heart will get us the projects back from NHPC”.
Chief Spokesperson PDP Nayeem Akther Andarbi said that National conference and its leaders had a history of selling out Kashmir’s resources to Delhi.
“Every new project is new sell-out constructed with the aim of benefitting other Indian states rather than lighting the dark homes of J&K. Be it Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah or Farooq Abdullah or even Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, everyone has been selling-out our water resources. They have played with the emotions of people in the Valley and have transformed them into an economically dependent slot with their ill policies and corrupt nature”, says Nayeem Akther.
He also accuses National Conference of taking people on a hypnotic ride and depriving them of their own resources by making them num while promising sky and stars at the same time.
“From the era of Shiekh Abdullah NC is selling power Projects without caring about its consequences on the state of Jammu and Kashmir. He sold four projects while his grandson sold another three projects”, Mr. Akther adds.
Journospy tried to approach chief minister Omar Abdullah for his comments; however, despite our repeated attempts, he could not be reached. CM’s office didn’t even bother to reply to our online interview questionnaire that we had forwarded to them on the instructions of his personal secretary Mr. Asgar Khan!
Now, amidst all of this political bickering and chaos of winter power crisis in the Valley, people are left to fight the winter monster with their traditional approaches like Kangri (pot filled with hot embers), Hamam (room with under-floor heating system) and Bokhari (a traditional space heater, typically a wood burning stove) and their curiosity about power production and crisis in Kashmir has died-out of the freezing winter chill. And, for the rest of us, this, again, and yet once again intensifies our curiosity to know and understand the extent of natural-resource-sharing between the state and the centre.